Liber Annuus XLVIII (1998)
The Priestly Tent (Ex 25-31.35-40). Literary Criticism and Theology of P, p. 9
L. J. Hoppe
The Death of Josiah and the Meaning of Deuteronomy, p. 31
Proverbi 23,26-24,22, p. 49
Die Pendenskonstruktion und ihre grammatische Diskussion, p. 105
Le milieu sémitique de l'Évangile de Marc, p. 125
L. D. Chrupcala
Gesù Cristo, la salvezza e il regno di Dio. Per una discussione sull'unità tematica dell'opera lucana, p. 143
Per un commento a Ebrei (III). Eb 10,19-13,25, p. 179
I testi della centralizzazione del culto secondo il Targum, p. 267
C. T. Begg
Josephus' Account of the Benjaminite War, p. 273
Progetto di Dizionario siriaco-italiano del Nuovo Testamento, p. 305
S. Gibson - F. Vitto - L. Di Segni
An Unknown Church with Inscriptions from the Byzantine Period at Khirbet Makkûs near Julis, p. 315
A Byzantine Tomb at the Village of Rammun, p. 335
Nuevas aportaciones para el estudio de Khirbet Qana, p. 345
Trois campagnes de fouilles à Saint-Georges de Khirbat al-Mukhayyat (1995-1997). Rapport final, p. 357
C. C. Ji
A New Look at the Tobiads in åIraq al-Amir, p. 417
M. W. Merrony
The Reconciliation of Paganism and Christianity in the Early Byzantine Mosaic Pavements of Arabia and Palestine, p. 441
Chinán o el paso del Paganismo al Cristianismo en Siria, p. 483
Lucerna bizantina con iscrizione bidirezionale, p. 489
E. M. Ciampini - S. Di Paolo
La collezione egizia Giamberardini in un Museo dell'Aquilano, p. 495
Sintesi degli articoli (Abstracts), p. 513
Ricerca storico-archeologica in Giordania XVIII -1998, p. 523
Recensioni e libri ricevuti, p. 561
SBF: Anno accademico 1997 - 1998, p. 623
In memoriam: Albert Storme (1917 - 1997) p. 629
Prime pagine [file in pdf format - 28 KB]
|The Priestly Tent (Ex 25-31.35-40). Literary Criticism and Theology of P E. Cortese
The present essay at first tries to recover the primitive text of P in Ex 25-31 and 35-40, as a basis for the priestly theology of the Tent and of the presence of God in the Ark. Then it goes on to the theological question of the presence of God in the biblical message of the OT and the NT, in dialogue with Protestants and Jews. In the final section, by discussing the relationship of the priestly Law and of H with the Tent and the cult, some ethical implications of the cult and the divine presence are considered.
Pgs. 9-30 [file in pdf format - 104 KB]
|The Death of Josiah and the Meaning of Deuteronomy L. J. Hoppe
This is a study of the discrepancy between Huldah's oracle (2Kgs 22:18-20) and the report of Josiah's death (2Kgs 29:29-30). This discrepancy illustrates the underrated sophistication of Deuteronomistic theology. The Deuteronomist presents Josiah whose every action was guided by the law as coming to a tragic end, despite Huldah's promise that the king would die "in peace". The Deuteronomistic story of Josiah's reign is shaped to urge Judah to follow the way of obedience, even if it is not absolutely clear where that way leads. The Deuteronomist suggests that the only way that Judah can have any future at all is through obedience to the law. Still, obedience guarantees Judah nothing.
Pgs. 31-47 [file in pdf format - 68 KB]
|Proverbi 23,26-24,22 A. Niccacci
The A. concludes his analysis of the third section of the III collection in the Book of Proverbs (for the previous two sections see LA 29  42-72, and 47  33-56). The third section comprises three units, i.e. 23:26-28, 23:29-35, and 24:1-22. The first and the second units deal with a single subject - the prostitute and drunkenness, respectively, while the third treats different subjects. The third unit is held together by literary inclusion (see 24:1-2 // 24:19-20 + 21-22). The different subjects of the third unit are related to life in society, while those of the first two are more related to the formation of an individual. The A. rejects as inappropriate the attempt by modern scholars to subdivide the III collection of Proverbs into thirty units according to the model of the Egyptian Teaching of Amenemope. On the one hand, literary analysis of the Biblical text does not support such division; on the other, the similarities with Amenemope are limited to the first unit (22:17-23:11), as the A. has shown in another essay.
Pgs. 49-104 [file in pdf format - 224 KB]
|Die Pendenskonstruktion und ihre grammatische Diskussion D. Volgger
In this article the Author takes up the discussion of the "Pendenskonstruktion" in Biblical Hebrew. It is integrated in the framework of Generative Grammar. At the same time, similar syntactical phenomena of Accadian and Greek language are analysed. Each time nominal phrases and their syntactical function are explained. The nominal phrases are differentiated according to anaphors, pronominal and lexical phrases. The "Casus-Filter" provides a sentence theory based on these nominal elements. It helps to justify their syntactical function in a precise and sound manner.
Pgs. 105-124 [file in pdf format - 80 KB]
|Le milieu sémitique de l'Évangile de Marc F. Manns
In continuity with the research started in the book Une approche juive du Nouveau Testament, Paris 1998, this article studies the semitic background of the Gospel of Mark, especially the assonances which use the similarity in sounds. In the second part of the article the semitic background of Mk 9:1 is investigated.
Pgs. 125-142 [file in pdf format - 76 KB]
|Gesù Cristo, la salvezza e il regno di Dio. Per una discussione sull'unità tematica dell'opera lucana L. D. Chrupcala
The theological Christocentrism and the Christological universalism represent the guiding line of the Lukan works (Luke-Acts). The thematical unity of the two discourses of Luke - and at the same time the principal motif that governs his reflection: God gives salvation in Jesus Christ to all people - is to be searched in these two mutually dependent spheres. Consequently, the definition of other thematical camps, adapted to express the unity of the two works of Luke, has to take into account his soteriological-theological discourse. The present study tries to demonstrate that the motif of the "Kingdom of God" - which has become a well qualified term in Lukan thought to express the salvific plan towards humanity promised in the Scriptures and fulfilled in Jesus Christ - also corresponds to this exigency. The Kingdom of God confirms the unitary nature of Luke-Acts. It is indeed an important element of the narrative, not only because it constitutes a constant concept which runs through the account signalling the continuity between the mission of Jesus and that of the Church, but above all also because it helps to understand better the principal motif of Lukan works at the theological level.
Pgs. 143-178 [file in pdf format - 140 KB]
|Per un commento a Ebrei (III). Eb 10,19-13,25 N. Casalini
With this part I have completed my revision of the commentary of E. Grässer on Hebrews (cf. the previous ones: LA 41  125-158 and LA 44  111-124). I summarize here only the most contentious points by showing the differences.
1) Justification in Hb. Grässer denies firmly the existence of such a doctrine in Hb 11:7 (p. 78; cf. pp. 195-196). I affirm that such a possibility cannot be excluded: a) because of the quotation of LXX of Hab 2:4 in Hb 10:38; b) because of the presentation of the faith (pistei; cf. Rom 3:28) as the reason to be called just before God (Hb 11:4) and to become the heir of justice according to the faith (tes kata pistin dikaiosunes: Hb 11:7).
2) The doctrine of grace. Grässer explains the word charis concretly as katapausis in Hb 12:15b (sic!) and as pistis in Hb 13:9b. I object to this interpretation as untenable because of Hb 2:9 (chariti theou?) and 4:16 (ho thronos tes charitos), where the word means the salvific and atoning grace of God communicated to us through the suffering and the heavenly intercession of Jesus and as a gift of the Spirit (Hb 10:29: to pneuma tes charitos), we receive at the moment of our "illumination" (baptism?; cf. Hb 6:4).
3) The eschatology of Hb. Grässer explains the words ta saleuomena, ta me saleuomena of Hb 12:27 as categories of hellenistic eschatology and metathesis of the same verse as apoleia, as in the cosmological dualism of Philo of Alexandria. I do not deny the historical problem, but underline the fact that the words used by the author of Hb are of biblical derivation: a) to saleuomenon from saleuo, which can be read in Hb 12:26a as parallel of seio in the quotation of LXX Hag 2:6.21 (cf. LXX Jud 5:4-5); b) apoleia, the supposed meaning of metathesis, "removal", is derived from apollumi, a verb used in LXX Ps 101:26-28 quoted in Hb 1:11.
4) The ecclesiology of Hb. Grässer denies that hegoumenoi of Hb 13:7.17.24 has any "authorized" or "legitimate" function. I object that the same use of the word hegoumenos presupposes the exercise of an authorized function in the Church, as confirmed by Hb 13:7b, where such a function has a salvific responsibility.
5) The Eucharist in Hb. Grässer excludes any allusion to it in the word thysiasterion, used in Hb 13:10a. I reaffirm strongly the necessity of such eucharistic reference because of the logic of the discourse. The author of Hb could not have said "we have an altar ex hou fagein ouk echousin exousian hoi te skene latreuontes", if his community had not the possibility of a real religious meal: "the supper of the Lord" (1Cor 11:20), where we participate in "the table of the Lord" (1Cor 10:21).
Pgs. 179-266 [file in pdf format - 300 KB]
|I testi della centralizzazione del culto secondo il Targum G. Bissoli
The Targum translates literally the formulas of the centralization, characteristic of Dt. The A. discusses the difference in TgDt 12:5 and 26:2, where hmqwm (the place) is changed to "år" (the country), in relation to 1Kgs 8:48b and the exile. After 70 A.D. the Jews of the diaspora maintained the temple as the centre of their life. With the translation of the active verb bhr (to choose) with the aramaic reflexive ytråy (to desire, to be pleased) the targum emphasizes the theological reason: the deep attachment of God for the place of his Shekinah or divine Presence.
Pgs. 267-272 [file in pdf format - 44 KB]
|Josephus' Account of the Benjaminite War C. T. Begg
The Book of Judges ends up with an elaborate account, in chaps. 20-21, of the war waged by the other tribes against Benjamin and its sequels. This paper provides a detailed study of Josephus' version of the episode in Antiquities 5.150-174 in comparison with its Biblical source. Specific questions addressed by the paper include: the text-form(s) of Judges 20-21 utilized by Josephus, his (non-Biblical) placing of the episode, the re-writing techniques applied by him to the data of this source, the distinctive features of Josephus' version that result therefrom, the possible reasons for his inclusion of the story (when he virtually omits, e.g., that of Judges 17-18), and the messages that his retelling might have been intended to convey to his double audience, i.e. cultivated Gentiles and fellow Jews.
Pgs. 273-304 [file in pdf format - 132 KB]
|Progetto di Dizionario Siriaco-Italiano Del Nuovo Testamento M. Pazzini
The scope of the present article is to present the project of a Syriac-Italian dictionary of the NT. After a brief presentation of some classical dictionaries, the A. enumerates the special characteristics - both technical and lexicographical - of the dictionary which is under preparation. Several entries from among a much larger collection have been brought forward as examples.
Pgs. 305-313 [file in pdf format - 56 KB]
|An Unknown Church with Inscriptions from the Byzantine Period at Khirbet Makkûs Near Julis S. Gibson - F. Vitto - L. Di Segni
In 1918, a mosaic floor was discovered by a British soldier in the vicinity of Julis, about six miles from Ascalon. The discovery was reported to the representative of the Palestine Exploration Fund in Palestine, and by him to London, but was not followed up because of the vicissitudes of the war. The mosaic was forgotten until recent cataloguing in the archives of the PEF brought to light the correspondence containing the report and some sketches which illustrated the finds.
The floor belonged to a Byzantine church, only the eastern part of which was seen at the time of the discovery. The mosaic floor retained parts of three Greek inscriptions, two of which within medallions in front of the apse. The church, now within the agricultural land of kibbutz Nir Israel, was never located before or since, in spite of a number of explorations carried out in the area, and its exact place is unknown.
Pgs. 315-334 [file in pdf format - 240 KB]
|A Byzantine Tomb at the Village of Rammun H. Taha
A salvage excavation and clearance was carried out in a burial cave in 1998 in the village of Rammun. Archaeological surveys attest to continuous occupation from the Early Bronze Age to modern times, with evidence of Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, Crusader, Ayyubid, Mamluk and early Ottoman periods.
The arcosolia burial cave has a rectangular plan, consisting of four graves and a central chamber. The burial cave was partly hewn in the rock and partly built of stone. The surface and walls inside the cave are coated with a thick layer of plaster, with two medallions depicted on the wall plaster. The medallions are rectangular and rounded in shape. The frame of the medallions is divided in metopes, consisting mostly of crosses, floral and geometric designs. Few objects were recovered during the excavation, including pottery lamps, pottery shards, a bracelet, iron nails, and some few other finds. The lamps found at Rammun are of common Byzantine slipper type, with four lamps bearing crosses.
The burial find, especially the wall painting and the pottery lamps bearing Christian religious symbols, place the burial cave in the Byzantine period (5th century A.D.)
Pgs. 335-344 [file in pdf format - 240 KB]
|Nuevas aportaciones para el estudio de Khirbet Qana J. Herrojo
In 1965 Franciscan Fathers E. Testa and B. Antonucci made the discovery of a cave in Kh. Qana, showing marks of veneration apparently dating from medieval times. Subsequently B. Bagatti published the results of the former inquiry, and that of his own, in this Journal: see LA 15 (1964-65) 251-292. No more attention seems to have been paid thereafter to this monument. In search of a clue on the most debated question about the biblical site of Cana the A. succeeded in re-tracing and re-studying the place. This led to the discovery of a complex of caves previously unknown. Consequently, a more complete description of the monument and re-interpretation have been made possible. Only a regular excavation campaign can produce the kind of evidence that all expect to discover.
Pgs. 345-356 [file in pdf format - 132 KB]
|Trois campagnes de fouilles à Saint-Georges de Khirbat al-Mukhayyat (1995-1997). Rapport final A. Michel
From 1995 to 1997 archaeological work was resumed at Khirbat al-Mukhayyat (Mount Nebo), on behalf of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, with the main scope of re-studying the Byzantine church of St. George and annexed buildings on the acropolis. The new excavations gave evidence of an intermittent occupation of the site starting from the Iron Age II (1000-600 BC), passing through the Hellenistic and Roman periods (1st cent. BC - 1st cent. AD), reaching the highest point during Byzantine times (6th cent. AD) and ending abruptly in the VIIth cent. AD. A detailed analysis of the archaeological strata and of the architectural framework, together with a generous presentation of the ceramic evidence, mostly pertaining to the end of the occupation, is the specific object of this contribution.
Pgs. 357-416 [file in pdf format - 972 KB]
|A New Look at the Tobiads in 'Iraq al-Amir C. C. Ji
The Tobiads in the Book of Nehemiah have fascinated those who have studied the last days of the Judean Monarchy and the Second Temple Period. The Tobiads are known to have played a prominent part in Judea during the given periods. Hence, much has been discussed about the Tobiads and their history on the basis of textual evidence and archaeological excavations at Qasr al-Abd at åIraq al-Amir. So far, scholarly attention has been given primarily to the Hellenistic period ad åIraq al-Amir, since it has been assumed that, at this site, little evidence of the Tobiads during Nehemiah's time remains. Recent archaeological studies, however, support the view that the onset of the Tobiah's habitation at åIraq al-Amir may be dated to the late Iron II, and that it was Tobiah's family center in Transjordan during the early Persian period when the Tobiads interfered in political matters in Jerusalem. In the Hellenistic period, the principality of the Tobiads thus appears to have been already long established at åIraq al-Amir. Archaeological evidence also shows (1) that Tobiah's settlement in this region was probably restricted to a narrow valley along the Wadi es-Seer and the immediate vicinity of åIraq al-Amir; (2) there was a potential line of settlements along the Wadi Kafrein that may have been used as a trade and communication route between åIraq al-Amir and Jerusalem; and (3) they may have engaged in some sort of nonconformist Jewish cultic rituals.
Pgs. 417-440 [file in pdf format - 104 KB]
|The Reconciliation of Paganism and Christianity in the Early Byzantine Mosaic Pavements of Arabia and Palestine M. W. Merrony
This article addresses the significance of mosaic floor iconography on the Early Byzantine mosaic pavements of Arabia and Palestine. A definitive interpretation is not attempted; rather, the material thus approached raises several fundamental questions of interpretation. A significant dichotomy is noted between religious buildings, which often contain inhabited vine rinceau pavements, and villae, which frequently exhibit mythological scenes. This significant new conclusion prompts the fundamental question of the existence of a context-specific secular or religious meaning. The significance of various categories of floor iconography is sought through the Roman and Early Byzantine periods, this including an assessment of arable, pastoral, hunting and mythological scenes and personifications of the Months, Seasons and Gê. It is observed that these various categories of subject matter remained identical for mosaic floors. An allegorical, symbolical and ideological continuity is also noted. So, too, is the perpetuation of the concept of virtus. A change in significance is, however, traced from the pagan to the Christian realm. The religious significance of the vine rinceau is considered. The changes in the rinceau are also plotted, from a free realistic to a geometricized rendition. The parallel changes in floor composition and figural style are examined, from three-dimensional realism to two-dimensional abstractness. It is argued that this continuity of form on the one hand, and change of significance from the pagan to the Christian realm on the other, created an artistic tension. In the secular context, where Dionysiac scenes were depicted, this tension was perhaps resolved by a continuity in the religious associations of wine. In the religious sphere, however, pagan mythological connotations were uprooted by the geometricization of the vine rinceau itself and by its inherent religious symbolism.
Pgs. 441-482 [file in pdf format - 140 KB]
|Chinán o el paso del paganismo al cristianismo en Siria I. Peña
Chinán is presently a small town of the Jébel Zawíe region in the north of Syria. It was once an important center for its great artistic and religious richness during the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine eras. Remains that date from these periods are: a sacred pagan grotto, a Semitic high place, a Roman temple which was constructed above a mithraeum from 219 A.D., a monastery constructed on the ruins of the temple, a church in the center of the locality, a martyrium outside this church, as well as numerous tombs among which stands out a Christian hypogeum that is decorated with frescoes. The best preserved ancient building is the martyrium. It is a square building of 4,87 sq. meters. Four massive arches support a vault that serves as the roof. The northeast side is occupied by a sarcophagus with indications that it could have been a center of Christian pilgrimages. A martyrium of a similar structure is found near the locality of Firkia which is 8 km. to the south.
Pgs. 483-488 [file in pdf format - 36 KB]
|Lucerna bizantina con iscrizione bidirezionale S. Loffreda
The Byzantine lamp, probably of the 7th century, is a hybrid type. Two Greek inscriptions are reproduced. The first inscription, to be read from right to left, is the common formula "The light of Christ the Lord shines". The second inscription, to be read from left to right, is a new type: "O Lord Alpha and Omega, remember me". This unique lamp is now on display in the Museum of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum of Jerusalem.
Pgs. 489-494 [file in pdf format - 72 KB]
|La collezione egizia Giamberardini in un Museo dell'Aquilano E. M. Ciampini - S. Di Paolo
The sanctuary of Santa Maria dell'Oriente (Tagliacozzo, Italy) holds a small egyptian collection created by Father Gabriele Giamberardini during his stay in Egypt; it couldn't be possible to get any information about the growth of the collection, but it's probable that it was from the antiquarian market. Among these small objects one should note the scarabs. Four of them have royal names (XVIIIth dynasty). Some materials are related to funeralia (canopic lid, fragment of cartonnage mask, sarcophagus beard) and to the Late Period Religion (i.e. Osiris figurines). A particular group of objects are the coptic ostraca.
Pgs. 495-512 [file in pdf format - 76 KB]
Sintesi degli articoli (Abstracts), p. 513 [file in pdf format - 84 KB]
Ricerca storico-archeologica in Giordania XVIII -1998, p. 523 [file in pdf format - 152 KB]
Recensioni e libri ricevuti, p. 561 [file in pdf format - 248 KB]
SBF: Anno accademico 1997 - 1998, p. 623 [file in pdf format - 56 KB]
In memoriam: Albert Storme (1917 - 1997) 629 [file in pdf format - 56 KB]
Tavole 1-60 [file in pdf format - 6.6 MB]