Haaretz
Elul 20, 5765
WASHINGTON - In 1965 in Gettysburg, Virginia,
Jewish businessman Max Fisher met Dwight D. Eisenhower to award the
general and former president a medal on behalf of the Jewish community for
his part in the defeat of the Nazis and the liberation of the
concentration camps. But then Eisenhower surprised Fisher by saying, "You
know, Max, looking back at Suez, I regret what I did. I never should have
pressured Israel to evacuate the Sinai."
This well-known story
about Fisher comes from his fascinating biography, "Quiet Diplomat," in
which the author, Peter Golden, writes that this encounter changed
Fisher's life. "If I had a Jewish adviser working for me," Eisenhower went
on, "I doubt I would have handled the situation the same way." Fisher took
off from that point, spending many years advising presidents and prime
ministers even Israeli ones. Fisher needed Eisenhower to get him started,
and Fisher was needed to establish the Republican Jewish Coalition, which
celebrated its 20th anniversary on Wednesday. A long line of people waited
at the entrance to the venue in Washington.
"What a crowd," one
participant said, half-surprised. "That's the way it is when the president
comes," another responded. And, in fact, President George W. Bush was on
hand. There were cheers, a speech and handshakes all around. Bush called
Max Fisher who died earlier this year at 96 "a patriotic American, a
friend of Israel and a champion for peace," sparking another round of
cheers.
It is interesting to listen to Bush at such events.
Unexpected statements come out, like the one about the burning by
Palestinians of the synagogues in Gaza. After all, the State Department,
and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, expressed no special sympathy
with Israel's anger over these acts. On the contrary: They were angry with
Israel for leaving the buildings to the Palestinians instead of
demolishing them, and then for complaining when the Palestinians destroyed
them. But Bush, as one Israeli diplomat put it this week, "is not an
official who sees nuances. He is an ideologue."
And the ideologue
went far with his statements this week. In a eulogy to Simon Wiesenthal,
Bush said the Nazi-hunter had "insisted we remember that hatred prepares
the way for violence and the failure to expose and confront intolerance
can lead to atrocities beyond imagining. As we saw in the recent
desecration of the synagogues in Gaza, the ancient hatred of anti-Semitism
still burns in people's hearts."
This comparison is amazing, and
especially difficult to place in the context of the administration Bush
heads. If this is what the president believes, how is it possible that
officials respond so differently? And is it possible that there are other
places down the road in which essential differences of opinion will be
revealed between the president and those who carry out his
policies?
"Perhaps," an Israeli official said hopefully, "this is
also what will happen with
Hamas."
Hamas and the
Quartet
At the beginning of the week, the Quartet convened for a
discussion of Gaza. The discussion, as defined by the assistant secretary
of state, David Welsch, was lively. The participation of Hamas in the
Palestinian Authority's political life was discussed a grenade that had
its pin pulled out by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon when he announced that
Israel would not allow Hamas to participate in elections in the West Bank.
The statements following the Quartet's meeting were not music to
Israel's ears, and confirmed what had been revealed earlier, in closed
meetings: that the foursome is uncomfortable with Israel's stance. The
representatives agree in principle that Hamas should not take part in the
political process, but they see no use in presenting conditions that the
PA will not meet and that will only increase the movement's
strength.
This was the hottest topic of the week for those involved
in Israel-Palestinian affairs. Congressional representatives who met with
King Abdullah II of Jordan asked him what he thought about it. A former
senior official in the Clinton administration discussed it with an Israeli
diplomat; on Wednesday, Welsch and Middle East security coordinator
General William Ward squirmed under the cross-fire of questions concerning
the matter at the hearing of a subcommittee of the Congressional Foreign
Relations Committee.
Welsch was hoarse at the hearing; he had a
cold. So at some points he sounded desperate, even when he tried to
accentuate the positive: There is international accord on what is needed a
disarmed Hamas that is not part of the political game. Welsch believes
this is an achievement.
But, as Democratic Congressman Gary
Ackerman of New York told him, considering the PA never delivers the
goods, what was their plan? Two hours later, the committee produced a kind
of consensus: The administration's replies are unsatisfactory. That is all
it could do to protest.
Israel was somewhat taken aback by Ward's
announcement that at the beginning of October, he will be leaving his job.
He had dipped his hands in the Middle East conflict, and was now moving on
to his next posting. All attempts by the State Department to have him stay
on were unsuccessful. Ward, it is said, will not hear of it. He apparently
really is a smart general.
Ward may have raised
compartmentalization to a higher art. If in the army it is said everything
is divided into three parts, Ward divides them into five. Here are the
five reasons he gave for the success of disengagement: The behavior of the
Israel Defense Forces, the political agreements in the PA,
Israeli-Palestinian coordination, the behavior of the Palestinian forces,
and Egyptian and international assistance. And five elements still need to
be part of the Palestinians' security reforms: putting together a
Palestinian security strategy, deploying the security forces, disarming
the militias and adjusting their size to security needs, and strengthening
the interior ministry. Ward won't be working on this, of course. His
replacement will be.
Not the time
On Tuesday afternoon,
the aides to the members of the Senate Committee on Homeland Security are
drowning in work. Meetings are being shortened, apologies made. The
committee has a major task ahead, a major responsibility: the
rehabilitation of the disaster areas in Louisiana and Mississippi, with
cracks of disagreement already showing up despite the unity of
purpose.
Some want to see tax reductions for businesses reopening in
the Mexican Gulf, which others see as another attempt by Bush to advance
his political beliefs. Some support financial aid to stricken families who
want to send their children to private schools (usually religious ones);
others see this step as the realization of Christian evangelical goals via
the back door. Some are in favor of channeling many millions of dollars to
rebuilding New Orleans, and others see the Bush administration going on an
unbridled spending spree.
Hurricane Rita is now threatening, with
pictures of refugees and rescuers once again filling the TV screen. At a
time like this, one aide asked a senator on the committee, do you think
Israel will really insist on asking for funding for the disengagement? Not
that the senator can oppose it, he says because "that would be political
suicide." Perhaps Israel will give up of its own
accord?
Jerusalem's official response: "Israel is not dealing with
this." Alon Ushpiz, the Israeli embassy's man on Capitol Hill, says in
response that now is not the time, and it is unclear when the time will
be. In any case, no additional funds are on the horizon, even if a
budgetary platform existed for providing more money to Israel. In any
case, Israel will not try to "hitch a ride" on additional budgets for
Hurricane Katrina.
Dialogue, please
Is the time ripe for
renewed strategic dialogue between Israel and the United States? Israel
believes it certainly is, and the question is what the Americans believe.
Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom's request for such talks, which Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon successfully pushed for during his previous term in
office, has been turned down a number of times. But it is now on the table
again. Nicholas Burns, No. 3 at the State Department, met yesterday with
the director general of the Foreign Ministry, Ron Prosor, and the subject
was among those discussed.
Prosor is right when he says the
dialogue has been on hold for two years, and it is essential to renew it.
After responsibility for it was transferred from then-minister Dan Meridor
to his successor Uzi Landau and then to his successor Tzachi Hanegbi, the
Americans simply lost interest. The renewal of talks might require Sharon
to find someone else for the job.