Haartez
Tishrei 24, 5766
Supporters of disengagement in Israel and around
the world feel cheated. After the determined and sensitive withdrawal from
the Gush Katif settlements, the government of Israel is avoiding the
necessary follow-up steps, and is imposing a choking air, sea and land
blockade against the Gaza Strip's residents.
This complaint has
been voiced not only by the Palestinians, but also by James Wolfensohn,
the Quartet's envoy for disengagement, in a letter last week to the
Quartet's foreign ministers and the United Nations
secretary-general.
Wolfensohn warned that the government of Israel
was preventing the economic recovery of Gaza's population by referring the
most urgent matters to committees that work unreasonably slowly. Whether
this is being done maliciously, because of turf wars, or whether it is
merely ordinary foot-dragging, the result is the same. The agreements
involving the opening of the Gaza Strip crossings to people and goods,
which are the cornerstone of Gaza's economy, have been delayed for too
long. The proposal by the World Bank to implement a temporary system of
convoys to ferry merchandise has not been implemented, and even discussion
of it has been repeatedly put off. Israel has not responded to a proposal
by the European Union to temporarily monitor the Rafah crossing; the Erez
roadblock is almost hermetically sealed; the passage of goods through
Karni is especially slow; and there are only two or three buses between
the Gaza Strip and the West Bank once every few days. This situation has
nothing to do with security, the meticulous protection of which is
obvious.
Wolfensohn's letter took a dramatic tone, intended to wake
the decision-makers from their apathy, warning that "if we miss this
opportunity for change, we will regret it for the next decade."
The Prime Minister's Office responded that the letter "would be
studied after Sukkot," while the Defense Ministry said there was "no need
to get excited."
These arrogant reponses do not evince an
overabundance of diplomatic wisdom. When it comes to the relationship of
Israel with the Palestinians, Israel's primary interest is a significant
improvement in the standard of living of the Palestinians in Gaza and the
West Bank. For disengagement to be considered a success, and not an act
divorced from any context of state craft, Israel has to avoid placing
obstacles in the way of the donor countries, and in the way of anyone
trying to assist the Palestinians. If Wolfensohn's letter prompted Shaul
Mofaz and Shimon Peres to divide up their responsibilities in this matter,
it will have served a purpose.
The Sharon government might
mistakenly think that fences, targeted killings and shootings are a recipe
for calm. It might also be tempted to think that cutting off Gaza from the
West Bank is possible. However, the Qassams fired at Sderot in response to
the killing of the Islamic Jihad activist in Tul Karm shows that the
Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza are one entity. If normalcy is
desired with this entity, the basic conditions must be created for
economic recovery that will strengthen the moderates and make terror less
popular. The task of disengagement from Gaza has not been completed, let
alone been successful. Only half the work has been done so far. Lifting
the economic embargo from Gaza is a necessary precondition to this
success.